Perspectives and insights from writers in the Arab media

Lay of the Land Editor:
Exasperated with the devastation and suffering of regional wars, Arab writers below from Saudi Arabia, UAE and Lebanon, expose the late Hezbollah leader’s failings, acknowledge weakness in regional Arab political leadership and suggest with respect to Lebanon, to exploit “weakness as strength” and push for “greater secularism”.

(*Translated by Asaf Zilberfarb)

WHAT WILL BECOME OF HEZBOLLAH?

By Rami Al-Khalifa Al-Ali

Okaz, Saudi Arabia, October 3

Israel has finally succeeded in targeting the leader of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, after 18 years in hiding. This marks a significant blow to Hezbollah and its Iranian allies. 

The sequence of setbacks inflicted on the militia began with the hacking of their communications network, followed by the assassination of over 500 field commanders in the south over the past year. The campaign culminated in the elimination of second-tier leaders and, ultimately, Nasrallah himself. 

For many, Hezbollah’s influence had already waned following Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. Despite this, the party insisted on retaining its arms, thus emerging as the sole armed political entity within Lebanon. This led Hezbollah to impose its will on its Lebanese counterparts, crossing a critical line in 2008 when it turned its weapons inward and occupied Beirut. At that moment, Nasrallah’s credibility diminished, both morally and popularly. His once-revered stature further eroded as Hezbollah became the vanguard in Iran’s regional conflicts. 

Nasrallah’s decision to embroil Hezbollah in the Syrian crisis, despite the Lebanese government’s policy of neutrality, underscored his ascendancy over both government and state institutions. His sectarian belligerence in Syria – marked by attacks on civilians – dealt another blow to his reputation. Moreover, Nasrallah’s endorsement of hostilities against Saudi Arabia and support for the Houthi movement in Yemen drew widespread condemnation. 

During the recent conflict, Nasrallah’s unwavering allegiance to Iran’s agenda overshadowed any efforts to uphold Lebanon’s stability or genuinely aid the Palestinian plight in Gaza. 

Now, Nasrallah has departed, leaving Lebanon teetering on the edge. Hezbollah in disarray, and his legacy is marred among much of the Arab populace, tainted by violence and division. When Nasrallah aligned Hezbollah with Iran’s regional ambitions, the organization transformed from a cohesive ideological entity with clear objectives into mercenaries fulfilling foreign agendas. This change necessitated increasing recruitment and liaison with foreign intelligence services, eventually exposing Hezbollah’s vulnerabilities to Israel. 

As highlighted in an investigative report by the Financial Times, Mossad’s penetration of Hezbollah’s ranks signaled an unprecedented moment of internal collapse reaching up to the group’s leadership, while Iranian overseers appeared indifferent. 

For those poised to succeed Nasrallah, there is a glimmer of hope. A reevaluation of Hezbollah’s role within Lebanon is imperative. The goal should be to evolve into a national entity invested in nation-building rather than acting as a pawn in foreign conflicts, thus avoiding a fate where they are discarded after serving their purpose or becoming a liability.

– Rami Al-Khalifa Al-Ali

WAR ON HUMANITY AND CIVILIZATION

By Radwan al-Sayed

Al-Ittihad, UAE, October 19

War is erupting across various regions, casting people into a spectrum of despair, leaving them in states of submission and hopelessness. This turmoil is tragically evident in places like Gaza and Lebanon, where combatants are heedless to the calls for peace, allowing the horrors of war to devastate the core of humanity and civilization.

In a recent summit, Gulf countries engaged with European Union counterparts, emphasizing the importance of cooperation and peace, and advocating for international resolutions. They recognize that it’s in everyone’s best interest to avoid shedding blood or falling prey to destructive whims.

The Gulf nations, having already extended significant humanitarian aid to Gaza, are now also mobilizing support for Lebanon, urging an end to the bombings and calling for the preservation of life and stability.

The future remains uncertain for those engulfed in the Gaza conflict. For the displaced inhabitants of Gaza, who have endured multiple upheavals, concerns over victory, the problems experienced elsewhere in our beleaguered region are now secondary.

In Lebanon, however, the solution is apparent: adhere to UN Security Council Resolution 1701, elect a new president, and ensure peace by deploying a robust army alongside international forces at the southern border.

Thus, two divergent paths emerge: one of peace and resolution, championed by Arabs since the 2002 Arab League summit in Beirut; and the other of obstruction and delay, which benefits no one, yet is often pursued by warring factions at the expense of humanity and progress.

For both Gaza and Lebanon, survival and the prospect of a free and dignified existence hinge on embracing peace, maintaining the essence of humanity, and cultivating a future filled with dreams and hopes for children and their families.

This marks the fourth or fifth conflict in Gaza since 2007, each commencing with rocket fire and concluding in devastation and extensive loss of life. The latest war has displaced more than two million people on multiple occasions, while the ongoing sixth or seventh war has resulted in thousands of fatalities and 1.2 million displaced persons. The Lebanese people declare their inability to endure further hardship, with many seeking asylum in Syria.

Global attention is focused on the plight in Gaza and Lebanon, yet the catastrophe in Syria – where half a million have perished and millions more have been displaced internally and into neighboring countries – cannot be overlooked. Syrians are now hosting displaced Lebanese, straining a country already fraught with its challenges and besieged by a bleak future.

Since the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, conflicts have persistently plagued Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. Now, fresh and lingering calamities in Gaza and Palestine add to this troubled narrative.

Each faction threatens to usher in a “new Middle East.” What is new about a region stripped of peace and life’s basic necessities? The elderly, reminiscing about happier times, recall the region’s old name: the Fertile Crescent, where the olive tree once stood as a symbol of abundance and tranquility. Alas, this year, Palestine and southern Lebanon have lost their olive harvest, prompting concerns about what remains in northern Lebanon, now crowded with waves of displaced individuals fleeing from the southern Bekaa and suburbs. Yesterday, the city of Nabatiya witnessed devastation unprecedented in its history. What fate awaits Nabatiya, Baalbek, and the many historic and cultural landscapes?

The absence of Arab leadership has been felt in a region where Americans and Iranians wield influence, allowing wars to dominate. It is imperative that Arabs reclaim their presence on the global stage now more than ever before.  

– Radwan al-Sayed

WILL LEBANON DEFEAT ISRAEL? YES – THIS IS HOW

By Raouf Kob

Al-Nahar, Lebanon, October 18

These words were originally meant for introspection, a personal reflection that I now address to the public, hoping they resonate with readers. They are directed at supporters of the group known as the Axis of Resistance, as well as those who stand apart from it. I write from the perspective of a concerned Lebanese citizen who yearns, like all Lebanese do, for a nation that is free, sovereign, and independent. A country shielded from any foreign power attempting to manipulate its security and destiny, be it Israel or any other nation. 

Previously, I’ve penned three letters to late Hezbollah secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah, published in this very newspaper. In the third, I pledged it would be my last. These letters served as an appeal, urging Hezbollah to advocate for a secular state in Lebanon. They were not insults, criticisms, or reproaches, unlike the discourse from the party’s usual adversaries. 

I confess openly that I’ve never aligned with Hezbollah’s ideology, nor with the ideology of any Lebanese party or political movement. This is largely because all Lebanese parties are inherently sectarian. Their supporters hail from similar socioeconomic strata, and I’ve never belonged to any religious or political faction. I believe Lebanon’s core suffering stems from this fragmentation among its citizens, a division that estranges them from genuine patriotism and prompts mutual accusations of treason and collusion with outsiders.

I am not naive enough to claim that those aligned with Hezbollah betray Lebanon. They are committed to defending their land and its dignity. However, as a Lebanese expatriate, it anguishes me to hear accusations against those outside the Hezbollah camp of cultural and political betrayal. Such behavior is an affront beyond justice; all Lebanese passionately love their country. Just as every sheik has his own methodology, as the Azharites would say, each Lebanese finds unique ways to express love and loyalty to the nation, even taking up arms when necessary. Religious fanaticism sows division, yet some Lebanese do not support Hezbollah in the current southern conflict. These individuals are not traitors, mercenaries, or agents; they are patriots following their own compass, standing against Israel and Zionism as fervently as Hezbollah. 

I recognize the numerous motives for opposing Hezbollah, often rooted in religious inclinations in our multifaceted sectarian society. These inclinations are not novel; they are deeply ingrained in our history and culture and were prevalent before colonial forces invaded. Nevertheless, Lebanon can neutralize Israel without resorting to bullets, and I earnestly implore Hezbollah’s supporters to hear me out with patience. 

During the last century, a notable Lebanese politician, Pierre Gumayel, made the insightful observation that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness. Though not a scholar or ideologist, Gemayel’s statement resonates as a guiding principle. Lebanon’s paradoxical strength and resilience emerge from its perceived fragility. Some might mockingly equate this to Hezbollah’s claim that Israel is weaker than a spider’s web. I argue instead through analogy: when two men brawl on the street, bystanders remain indifferent; however, when a grown man assaults a child, all witnesses stand with the child, ensuring the attacker faces justice. 

Politically speaking, consider if a powerful nation like France decided to invade a small European duchy like Luxembourg. While possible, such an action would be universally condemned, uniting France’s citizens against their government. Luxembourg’s strength stems not just from its petite size but from its peaceful, advanced governance that mirrors the systems of other developed democracies.

This suggests Lebanon should carry arms only to hold an aggressor temporarily at bay until international support arrives. Ultimately, its true strength lies in its “weakness” and its peaceful, advanced reputation. 

Reflecting on whether Israel would have dared to attack a Lebanon that modeled its political system after Luxembourg, Finland, or Norway is telling. Lebanon’s issues stem from a corrupt system built on deceit, exploitation, and religious manipulation. It tragically lays itself bare for exploitation, inviting disaster without concern from the global community.

Historical examples reinforce this: the 1967 Six Day War left a neutral Lebanon untouched due to its armistice with Israel, a peace that endured until the 1969 Cairo Agreement tragically embroiled Lebanon in proxy wars. Consider the “weak” children of the West Bank during the 1980s intifada, how global empathy stood with them, igniting solidarity movements worldwide. This uprising only waned when leaders like Yasser Arafat appropriated and monopolized it, exacerbating the tragedies that befell Lebanon, Palestine, and its people. 

In my previous correspondences to Nasrallah, I advocated for a secular civil system as Lebanon’s salvation – a system fostering unity, aligned with divine laws, protecting Lebanon from the manipulation of opportunistic figures, elevating its global standing, and earning respect. Lebanon will reclaim its dignity and rights only when self-respect prevails. Through reason over instinct and intolerance, a peaceful Lebanon can oppose aggressors like Israel by unveiling their true nature, supporting Palestine, and aligning with Arab causes not through force, but with truth, reason, and steadfast resolve. 

In Kalila wa-Dimna, the famous collection of fables translated by Ibn al-Muqaffa, the author observed that a strong wind may uproot the solid tree but not the resilient grass. Imam Ali emphasized the importance of self-awareness, and Socrates charged us to “know thyself.” Their wisdom reminds us that Lebanon must find strength within its vulnerabilities to emerge as a sovereign, impregnable state immune to external threats. Such understanding is crucial for Lebanon’s resurgence and prosperity, ensuring it stands poised against the turmoil of the outside world.

– Raouf Kob

While the mission of Lay of the Land (LotL) is to provide a wide and diverse perspective of affairs in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world, the opinions, beliefs and viewpoints expressed by its various writers are not necessarily ones of the owners and management of LOTL but of the writers themselves.  LotL endeavours to the best of its ability to credit the use of all known photographs to the photographer and/or owner of such photographs (0&EO).