Perspectives and insights from writers in the Arab media.

A shift away from coverage of the conflict in Gaza selected in Lay of the Land’s previous Arab Voice, all the articles below from Arab media, focus on the wars in Iran and Lebanon. The common denominator over all is ‘Israel’.
Is there even a chance for a meaningful peace where Israel is genuinely accepted in the region or is the future to be as envisioned by Pakistan’s Defense Minister, Khawaja Muhammad Asif, who while welcoming the United States-Iran ceasefire and inviting to Islamabad delegations aimed at securing a lasting peace, urged the Muslim world to recognise Israel together with India as its “true and eternal enemies”?
“Eternal”? Is there no possibility EVER of Israel being characterized as anything other than an “enemy”?
And this is the country that is mediating the peace talks!!!
Below are the perspectives of Arab writers who clearly impacted by devastated urban landscapes as the consequence of war, acknowledge failings in strategies and thinking, most notably “the gap between rhetoric and reality has widened.”
For Israel, a major lesson of October 7 is that it is no longer willing to tolerate threats on its borders simply because its enemies have not yet pulled the triggers.
Avoiding future ‘devasted landscapes’ and ‘threats on borders’ are the glaring items on the agenda.
David E. Kaplan
Lay of the Land editor
*(Translated from the Arabic by Asaf Zilberfarb for Media Line. All assertions and opinions are the sole responsibility of the individual writers and not Lay of the Land.)
(1)
HEZBOLLAH IS IN A STATE OF TOTAL HYSTERIA
By Marwan El Amine
Nida Al Watan, Lebanon, March 20.
In this war, Hezbollah’s conduct appears increasingly erratic, driven by impulse rather than calculation.
Its decision to open a front in support of Iran, framed as retaliation for the killing of supreme leader Ali Khamenei, came suddenly and without regard for the consequences, exposing civilians to immense risk and imposing heavy costs on Lebanon’s Shi’ite community across human, economic, and social dimensions.
The move was particularly striking given Hezbollah’s awareness of its own weakened position.
Its military capabilities have significantly deteriorated, its supply lines through Syria have been disrupted, and its operational effectiveness has declined.
For more than a year, it largely absorbed Israeli strikes without meaningful response, only to escalate when Iran’s interests demanded it – an act that appears closer to self-destruction than strategy.
This sense of disorder extends beyond the battlefield to Hezbollah’s internal discourse.

The organization no longer maintains a coherent narrative capable of persuading its own constituency, as contradictions in its messaging and the consequences of its decisions become increasingly visible.
At the same time, its security vulnerabilities have been exposed, with deep Israeli intelligence penetration undermining its image of strength.
The gap between rhetoric and reality has widened: a movement that once insisted that “actions speak louder than words” now faces expanding Israeli control over Lebanese territory and growing displacement of civilians.
Unable to provide convincing answers to its supporters about the devastation it has caused – destruction, casualties, displacement, and the possibility that many may never return home – Hezbollah has resorted to deflection.
Rather than acknowledging responsibility, it channels public anger toward critics, political opponents, media outlets, and dissenting voices within its own community.
This behavior reflects more than a temporary crisis; it signals a deeper collapse in its narrative and purpose.
The attempt to obscure reality and shift blame is not merely a sign of political or military weakness, but of a broader moral decline that leaves the organization increasingly exposed.
– Marwan El Amine
(2)
THE STRAIT OF HORMUZ CRISIS TESTS THE ‘NEW’ GLOBAL ORDER
By Mohammed Al Dhaheri and Narayanappa Janardhan
Al-Ittihad, UAE, March 20.
The era of “strategic patience” in the Strait of Hormuz has come to an end.
With the waterway effectively paralyzed by Iran’s blockade, the international community faces a defining choice: either form a decisive coalition to reopen the passage or accept that the age of secure global trade is over.
The stakes are immense.
The strait carries roughly 20 million barrels of oil per day – about a quarter of global seaborne oil trade – and previously saw more than 150 ships transit daily, the vast majority of them oil tankers and container vessels.
Since the escalation, traffic has collapsed.
On March 11, only five tankers departed the region, while hundreds remain stranded in the gulf, and multiple vessels have been attacked, resulting in casualties among crews.
Major energy companies have been forced to halt production or declare force majeure due to their inability to export supplies.
Alternative routes, such as pipelines to the Red Sea, can only handle a fraction of normal volumes.

The consequences have rippled across the global economy: oil prices briefly surged to $125 per barrel, gas shortages emerged in several countries, fertilizer prices rose sharply, and food inflation intensified.
Iran, which is not a signatory to the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, rejects the principle of unrestricted transit passage and instead asserts its right to regulate shipping under the concept of “innocent passage,” allowing it to stop and inspect vessels it deems a security threat.
While the strait remains legally open, it has become functionally inaccessible due to missile attacks, drone strikes, and naval mines, compounded by Iran’s demand that ships obtain prior permission to pass – widely seen as a violation of international law.
The crisis extends far beyond Washington.
More than 80% of the oil flowing through the strait is destined for Asia, making the disruption a direct threat to economies such as India, China, Japan, and South Korea, all of which face mounting energy pressures and potential recession risks.
The broader implication is clear: if emerging powers in Asia and the Global South remain passive under the banner of neutrality, they forfeit any moral authority to challenge future disruptions to global trade.
This is not merely a regional conflict but a global economic crisis, requiring coordinated international action that transcends political divisions.
– Mohammed Al Dhaheri and Narayanappa Janardhan
(3)
HEZBOLLAH IN BEIRUT
By Ahmed Ayash
Nida Al Watan, Lebanon, March 29.
Many assumed that Israeli jets breaking the sound barrier over Beirut last night were a response to Hezbollah’s claim the day before that it had fired a surface-to-air missile at an Israeli aircraft. The sonic boom terrified residents, but the missile itself would have gone unnoticed had Hezbollah not announced it.
This is how the war Hezbollah launched on March 2 continues: relentless and escalating. Warnings are growing that the situation is deteriorating rapidly, with daily scenes of death, destruction, and displacement becoming routine.
The killing of three journalists in an Israeli air strike, among them j correspondent Ali Shoeib, highlighted the brutality of the moment. Israel claimed Shoeib was linked to Hezbollah intelligence, an allegation denied by the group and unsupported by evidence.
For many, including those familiar with his career, the killing evokes a stark contrast with earlier times, such as 2006, when Shoeib stood reporting in front of an Israeli tank after the war, while an Israeli soldier sat atop it, seemingly unaware. The distance between that moment and today reflects the transformation of Hezbollah itself – from a force visibly entrenched at the southern border to one pushed dozens of kilometers north.
Meanwhile, internal Lebanese discourse has resurfaced unresolved grievances, including past assassinations attributed to Hezbollah. The asymmetry between Israel’s advanced capabilities and Hezbollah’s more limited tools is evident, yet the latter has inflicted its own long record of violence, including against journalists.

Hezbollah now boasts of protecting its leadership from Israeli targeting, yet its own media figures remain exposed. Crucially, the group continues to deny responsibility for dragging Lebanon into this war, even as the country faces unprecedented devastation.
More alarming is the possibility that Beirut itself will be drawn deeper into the conflict, following initial missile launches that already ignited this destructive trajectory. The question now is unavoidable: must Beirut once again pay the price for decisions made beyond the state?
– Ahmed Ayash
(4)
WESTERN CIVILIZATION AND THE DEBATE OVER ‘WHITE’ NATIONALISM
By James Zogby
Al-Ittihad, United Arab Emirates, March 27.
In the days following US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s speech at the Munich Security Conference, media coverage was largely positive. Unlike US President Donald Trump and US Vice President JD Vance, whose remarks in Europe were described as harsh or threatening, Rubio was praised for a more respectful tone that reassured allies.
But this initial assessment quickly gave way to deeper analysis, which revealed that behind the polished language lay a worldview rooted in the same “white Christian nationalist” framework.
Rubio told European leaders:
“We are part of one civilization, the Western civilization, bound by centuries of shared history, faith, culture, and sacrifice.”

He described five centuries of Western expansion as a force that spread law, universities, and scientific progress.
Yet this narrative reflects a selective reading of history. The same period can also be understood as one of imperial exploitation, during which Europe accumulated wealth through the extraction of resources from Asia, Africa, and the Americas. It also ignores the intellectual and cultural contributions that Western societies inherited from Arab and Asian civilizations.
The consequences of colonialism – distorted economies and disrupted political development – are similarly absent from this account. Rubio also warned that mass migration threatens Western cohesion and cultural continuity, but this too contradicts historical reality. Immigrants have long enriched the societies they joined, shaping their food, arts, literature, and public life.
The issue, then, is not tone but substance: a repackaging of exclusionary ideas in more refined language.
– James Zogby
(5)
SECURITY FOR EVERYONE OR NO ONE
By Mohammed Al Rumaihi
Asharq Al-Awsat, London, March 29.
The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps’s statement that security in the region must be for everyone or for no one may appear to be a call for restraint, but it stands in tension with Iran’s own actions across the region.
The Middle East’s instability did not emerge in a vacuum: in Syria, Iranian involvement expanded from political support into sustained military presence; in Iraq, armed groups linked to Tehran became embedded in the political and security landscape; in Lebanon, the imbalance between the state and non-state weapons weakened institutions; and in Yemen, support for armed factions deepened divisions and prolonged conflict.
This raises a central question: can a state that contributed to destabilizing the region now present itself as a guarantor of collective security?

The slogan also simplifies a more complex reality, framing the conflict as a binary confrontation while overlooking the role of Gulf states, which have historically sought stable relations but have often been treated as leverage within broader strategic calculations. Continued attacks on these states risk further isolating Iran and undermining trust, particularly given the global importance of Gulf stability and energy security.
Ultimately, regional security cannot be built on deterrence through chaos, but on respect for sovereignty, non-interference, and shared interests. When recklessness prevails, it is societies, not slogans, that bear the consequences.
– Mohammed Al Rumaihi
While the mission of Lay of the Land (LotL) is to provide a wide and diverse perspective of affairs in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world, the opinions, beliefs and viewpoints expressed by its various writers are not necessarily ones of the owners and management of LOTL but of the writers themselves. LotL endeavours to the best of its ability to credit the use of all known photographs to the photographer and/or owner of such photographs (0&EO).















































